Friday, February 24, 2023

Clark W Gelllings Let's Build A Global Power Grid

 Let’s Build a Global Power Grid With a little DC wizardry and a lot of cash, we could swap power across continents

 By Clark W. Gellings - Clark is a Fellow at the Electric Power Research Institute and an IEEE Life Fellow. 

Big Grid: Electricians work on a 1,680-kilometer-long high-voltage DC transmission line that will move power from China’s Xiluodu hydroelectric plant to Zhejiang province. Reports abound of homeowners and businesses unplugging from the power grid and opting instead to generate and store their own electricity. Such grid defections may make sense in places where electricity rates are sky-high or service is spotty. But for just about everywhere else, it’s far more sensible to do the very opposite: interconnect regional electricity networks to form a globe-spanning supergrid. 

What makes this idea so compelling are the major strains on today’s power grids: soaring energy demand in fast-growing megacities; rapid expansion of carbon-free but intermittent wind and solar power; and the ever-increasing need to secure grids against electronic and physical attacks. The smaller and more isolated a power network is, the more difficult it is to maintain the nearly instantaneous balance between electricity supply and demand. 

But the technology now exists to transmit massive amounts of electricity over long distances without significant losses, thereby allowing operators to balance consumption and generation across an entire continent—or, potentially, the globe. If an outage occurs in one country, the sudden change in line voltage and frequency could trigger a generator thousands of kilometers away to compensate for the shortfall. Similarly, if the wind in a normally wind-dependent area dies, electricity from its neighbors could quickly fill in. Or if one region is experiencing heavy rainfall, hydroelectric dams there could capture the energy, to send elsewhere as needed. A supergrid would ensure that all or nearly all the electricity that’s generated would get consumed, thus avoiding such wasteful practices as paying windfarm operators to curtail production or dumping energy that’s not immediately needed. (To be sure, storing excess energy would also help avoid such problems, but large-scale economical energy storage is still not widely available.) 

In general, a global supergrid would allow power to be generated far from population centers. For instance, some of the world’s best sunlight can be found in the sparsely populated region south of Darwin, Australia, where it’s estimated that all of that country’s energy needs could be supplied from a solar farm the size of a cattle station. With an undersea link to Southeast Asia, that electricity could also be dispatched to countries like Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and Singapore. And with a supergrid in place, operators could significantly scale back their spinning reserves—backup capacity that they can tap if demand spikes but in practice is rarely used. 

So what would it take to build a global supergrid? Technologically, it would hinge on a globe-encircling network of high-voltage directcurrent (HVDC) transmission systems, most of the components of which already exist. Beyond that, regional grid operators would need to agree on how to pay for such a network, establish rules for trading the electricity, and specify the technical codes and standards that will allow the supergrid to operate safely, reliably, and securely. 

Constructed in 2002, the Cross-Sound Cable consists of a pair of high-voltage DC transmission lines through Long Island sound that connects the electricity grids of New York and New England. The roots of the global supergrid stretch back to the dawn of the power industry, when the “war of the currents” raged between the era’s two great inventors: Thomas Edison and Nikola Tesla. In 1882, Edison demonstrated the first commercial electric power plant, which was based on direct current. But it was Tesla’s alternating current that would rule the day. 

In 1895 Tesla’s dream of generating electricity from Niagara Falls was realized, and within a few years that energy was electrifying New York City, 700 kilometers away, thereby proving the superiority of the AC system. Well into the 20th century, the world’s power systems were based on AC. 

The key to AC’s triumph was that power could be transformed to higher voltages by use of magnetic induction and then sent over long distances at low currents, minimizing the losses due to resistance; at the destination, the system would reduce the voltage for local distribution. At the time, there was no way to do the same with DC. But power engineers also knew that a DC system operating at high voltage would be superior to AC for the same task, because the amount of electricity lost during DC transmission would be far less than with AC. 

How much less? Let’s say you’re transmitting a given amount of power by high-voltage DC: When you double the voltage, you need only half the current of a comparable AC system, thus reducing your line losses by a factor of four. You also need a lot less wire, because DC current penetrates the entire conductor of a power line, whereas AC current remains largely near the surface. Put another way, for the same conductor size, the effective resistance is greater with AC, and more power is lost as heat. In practice, that means the overall transmission infrastructure for AC far exceeds that for DC. To transmit 6,000 megawatts using a 765-kilovolt AC system, for instance, you’d need three separate single-circuit transmission lines, which would cut a right-of-way path about 180 meters wide. Compare that with an 800-kV DC system, which would require just one 80-meter-wide path. 

HVDC also allows for the easy transfer of power between grids that are operating at different frequencies. The converters, cables, breakers, and other components for HVDC are more expensive than those for AC, so it only makes economic sense to use HVDC over distances of 500 km or more. But that break-even distance has continued to come down as the cost of DC components drops. 

With these advantages in mind, power engineers experimented with DC transmission technology throughout the 20th century. The key building block for HVDC was and still is the converter, located at either end of an HVDC line. It serves to convert high-voltage AC to high-voltage DC and DC back to AC. Through the 1960s, such converters relied on mercury-arc valves, which were basically electronic switches that could only be turned on and not off, thereby limiting their functionality and resulting in substantial losses. 

In the 1970s came the next advance in DC technology: water-cooled thyristors, a type of giant solid-state switch that can be turned on and off. The first ones were demonstrated in 1978 at the Nelson River HVDC Transmission System, which sent power from hydroelectricity stations in northern Manitoba, Canada, to the country’s populated south. 

Since then, HVDC has spread only modestly in North America, but it has taken off in other parts of the world, most notably Brazil, China, India, and Western Europe. Starting in the late 1990s, these newer HVDC deployments have relied on insulated gate bipolar transistors (IGBTs), which are specialized transistors that can be switched many times per cycle. In the latest IGBTs, the gates can open or close in less than a billionth of a second. 

Today’s HVDC converters are known as voltage-source converters (VSCs). Although traditional converters continue to be used for higher-voltage, higher-capacity transmission, VSCs make it easier to integrate HVDC lines into existing networks. The VSC concept was first demonstrated in March 1997 between Hellsjön and Grängesberg, Sweden, at a modest 3 MW and 10 kV. Five years later came the first sizable VSC installation: the Cross-Sound Cable project in Long Island Sound, between New York and Connecticut. That project had a moderately high rating of 330 MW, but conversion losses were also high, at 2.5 percent. With the latest VSCs such losses have been cut to just 1 percent. 

What’s more, it’s now possible to have multiple terminals along a single HVDC line, so that you can tap into the line at intermediate points, rather than just at the end. By moving beyond point-to-point HVDC transmission, you’ll be able to connect the lines into a mesh, which of course will be more complicated to control but potentially more robust. 

First Steps to a Global Supergrid

Desertec: First proposed by a German-led consortium in 2009, the Desertec project aims to harvest solar power in the Mediterranean and other deserts of the world and use HVDC to transmit the electricity to population centers.

 Medgrid: Similar to Desertec, the Medgrid plan calls for developing 20 gigawatts of solar power generation in North Africa, of which 5 GW would be exported to Europe. The Medgrid electricity network would become the backbone of the European supergrid.

 China’s supergrid: To deliver solar and wind resources from the north and hydropower from the south to cities in the southeast, China has installed the most extensive network of high-voltage AC and HVDC in the world. It’s now expanding its transmission grid with 13 to 20 new HVDC lines.

 Gobitec: Also modeled on Desertec, the Gobitec project would develop wind and solar photovoltaic systems in the Gobi Desert and deliver that power using an HVDC grid that would connect Irkutsk, Russia, in the north, with Shanghai and Seoul in the south and Tokyo in the east.

Southeast Asian supergrid: This supergrid proposal is envisioned as an undersea HVDC cable running from the northern coast of Australia along the Indonesian archipelago and up into the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indochina and then eventually into China, with the aim of exporting northern Australia’s abundant solar resources to Southeast Asia.

Asian supergrid: The proposed Asian supergrid would establish links between the electricity grids of China, Japan, Korea, Mongolia, and possibly Russia. An underpinning of the Asian supergrid is to enable free trade in electric power. Masayoshi Son, CEO of Japan’s Softbank, is said to be a key proponent of this plan. 

Nordic grid: By 2030 Northern Europe is expected to see a substantial increase in renewable generation from wind and hydropower. While many of these countries are already interconnected to each other, further development of the Nordic Grid will be needed to export the surplus to the rest of Europe and perhaps Russia. 

North Sea Offshore Grid: Similar to the Nordic grid, the proposed North Sea Offshore Grid would harvest wind power generated in the North and Baltic Seas while opening broader markets for those resources. 

IceLink: This is a recent incarnation of a 60-year-old idea to link Iceland’s power system with that of Europe through Scotland. Increasingly high electricity prices in Europe and more ambitious renewable energy targets have revived interest in the IceLink project. 

Brazilian supergrid: To make use of hydropower in the country’s interior, Brazil is building a grid consisting of HVAC and 600-kilovolt HVDC, including the 2,385-kilometer-long Rio Madeira transmission link, the world’s longest. 

Hydrogen-Electric Energy SuperGrid: Envisioned as a continent-wide underground HVDC transmission network, the Hydrogen-Electric Energy SuperGrid would rely on hydrogen-producing advanced nuclear reactors. The transmission line, made from superconducting cable, would carry electricity as well as hydrogen to cool the cable. The hydrogen would also provide daytime energy storage for leveling energy consumption peaks. Excess hydrogen could be sold in local electricity markets or for commercial use. 

Atlantic Wind Connection: This proposed offshore transmission line would span the mid-Atlantic region of the United States from New Jersey to Virginia to connect wind farms in federally designated wind energy areas. 

What other technologies will the global supergrid need? One immediate need is fast-reacting, large-capacity circuit breakers that can handle short-circuit currents above 60 kiloamperes and respond to detected faults within milliseconds. Three years ago, the Swiss company ABB announced a hybrid electromechanical breaker that gets part of the way there. Earlier this year, Siemens announced that it had successfully tested 5-kA breakers for China’s Xiluodu-Jinhua HVDC line, which runs from Sichuan province to Zhejiang province. Alstom has also reported a circuit breaker prototype in this range. But much more work is needed to bring down the cost and size of these devices and boost their performance. 

In the longer term, power cables made from high-temperature superconducting materials instead of copper or aluminum would greatly accelerate the deployment of the global supergrid because they can handle substantially higher power with essentially zero losses. Although they do need to be cooled to liquid-nitrogen temperatures—below 77 kelvins—the losses from refrigeration and other sources are less than half those of conventional AC and DC overhead transmission lines. And superconducting DC cable requires even smaller rights-of-way than does HVDC with traditional cables. 

Several projects have demonstrated superconducting cables over short distances, such as the recently installed 500-meter, 80-kV DC line on the Korean island of Jeju. At present, though, they’re still considerably more expensive than conventional cable. 

Another promising area involves advanced power electronics made from materials other than silicon. Silicon’s abundance, low cost, simple processing, and room-temperature operation have made it the material of choice for power and other semiconductor devices, but research on novel materials such as silicon carbide and gallium nitride has shown real promise for the kind of power switching required in HVDC networks. These wide bandgap semiconductors can operate at higher temperatures than standard silicon devices do, and they support higher currents and higher voltages with less resistance. If they can be made commercially viable, wide bandgap devices would both reduce the cost and increase the functionality of HVDC converters. 

If you were to build a global supergrid, where would you start? One obvious place would be China, which is now the world leader in the development and deployment of grid technology, in particular HVDC. The country has begun to exploit its massive potential solar and wind resources in the north and substantial hydropower potential in the south. To deliver that approximately 1,300 gigawatts of generation to population and industrial centers in the east and south, China has already installed the most extensive network of high-voltage AC and HVDC in the world, and over the next five years it plans to build another 13 to 20 ultra HVDC lines (in the 800-kV and 1100-kV range). Those upgrades have not come cheap: In 2014 China spent US $65 billion on such projects, and it is expected to sustain that level of spending over at least the next five years. The International Energy Agency estimates that China will need to spend more than $4 trillion from now until 2040 to overhaul the way it transmits and distributes electricity. Liangzhong Yao, vice president of renewable energy and smart-grid technologies at the China Electric Power Research Institute, has reported that his group is also looking at the feasibility of an intercontinental transmission grid to connect China with Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. 

Another logical starting point for a global supergrid is Europe, where the European Commission has been calling for a pan-Europe supergrid since 2008. The planning for such a grid is being led by the European Network of Transmission System Operators for Electricity (ENTSO-E), which represents 41 transmission system operators in 34 European countries. 

The general idea is to build an HVDC grid that would connect these European countries with neighboring regions, including Kazakhstan, North Africa, and Turkey. A study by Gregor Czish of Kassel University, in Germany, found that with such a grid in place, Europe’s energy needs could be supplied largely by wind power, with only modest amounts of biomass generation as a supplement. An industry group called Friends of the Supergrid has been vocal in promoting the technology, regulation, and financing that would be needed to pull off such an ambitious plan.

 French Connection: A recently completed HVDC link between France and Spain doubles the amount of electricity that can be exchanged between the two countries. Converter stations like the one shown here sit at each end of the line, converting high-voltage AC to DC and DC back to AC.

 To date, a number of key European HVDC interconnections have been completed or reached advanced stages of planning, including the €10 billion project to connect Germany’s energy-rich north with its energy-starved south, two others to link Germany to Norway and Norway to Denmark, and a just-completed HVDC intertie between France and Spain. 

To be sure, a global supergrid would require quite a bit more infrastructure: by my estimate, roughly 100,000 km of HVDC lines and 115 converter stations, based on planned projects and assuming redundancy in some areas. A few of these stations would be “superstations,” such as the one envisioned by the developers of the Tres Amigas project in New Mexico. Tres Amigas is intended to connect North America’s three primary grids (west, east, and Texas) and also provide some energy storage. The global grid will need something similar wherever large regional grids come together. (See “First Steps to a Global Supergrid” for a list of proposed supergrid projects in Asia, Europe, and other parts of the world.) 

By far the greatest hurdle facing the global supergrid is how to pay for it. It’s hard to attach a firm number to such a vast and complicated undertaking, but proponents point out that its costs would be more than offset by its many advantages. In a 2013 paper in the journal Renewable Energy, Spyros Chatzivasileiadis, Damien Ernst, and Göran Andersson looked at previous studies of supergrids as well as completed projects to estimate what it would take to build an 800-kV, 3-GW undersea HVDC cable that’s 5,500 km long— about the length you’d need to connect New York City with Oporto, Portugal. (At present, 800 kV is significantly beyond what’s commercially available for submarine cables.) The authors concluded that the cable itself would cost from €1.15 million to €1.8 million per kilometer, and each terminal converter would cost about €300 million. Assuming thermal losses of 3 percent and a 40-year lifetime, among other things, the researchers estimated that transmitting electricity via such a cable would run between €0.0166 and €0.0251 (US $0.0189 and $0.0286) per delivered kilowatt-hour; the comparable figure for U.S. residential customers is about $0.011/kWh, which covers transmission but not power generation. The cost of the generated power with the HVDC supergrid would almost certainly be much lower than what’s available today because operators would be able to buy electricity from the least expensive source. 

For the countries of the world to organize and fund a global supergrid, a strong international consensus for renewable (and perhaps nuclear) energy will need to form. This could be accelerated if a worldwide agreement could be reached on taxing greenhousegas emissions so as to create a financial incentive for shifting to carbon–free energy. Government funding will likely be needed to support the first segments of the global supergrid, but once those are in place, a carbon tax would help catalyze private-sector funding. 

Beyond just the financing, governments and grid operators will need to agree on the rules for free trade in electricity. Electricity trading through a wholesale market, perhaps broken up into regions, would enable the kind of efficient power flows a global supergrid would offer. 

A major collaborative planning effort will also be needed to bring together the existing grids and the planned regional supergrids. As noted earlier, China and Europe are well along in planning their HVDC networks. But in the United States, for example, transmission planning remains largely a state-level exercise, in part because states control land use and regulate investor–owned utilities. Such technical and logistical decisions as where to locate the supergrid’s points of connection, how to configure the HVDC grid, what voltages to use, and where and whether to use overhead or submarine systems will all need to be hammered out.

Last but certainly not least, all parties will need to agree on the technical specifications that will define the parameters of each transmission line, converter station, and generator so as to allow the global supergrid’s safe, reliable, and stable operation. 

So, yes, a global supergrid will cost a great deal and no doubt take many decades to put in place. But obvious precedents for such an undertaking already exist in the international transportation and telecommunications sectors. And the alternative—doing nothing and continuing to rely heavily on fossil fuels and inefficient, disconnected power grids—will cost even more. 

[Editor’s Note: This article originally appeared in print as “A GlobeSpanning Supergrid.”] About the Author Clark W. Gellings is a Fellow at the Electric Power Research Institute and an IEEE Life Fellow. This is his second article for IEEE Spectrum. His first, published in 1981, introduced the idea of demand-side management—a now common smart-grid practice that allows electricity customers to manage their own usage. “People thought it was heretical, but the idea eventually took hold,” Gellings says. “I hope that happens with this article, too.” Reprint: GENI-us newsle

Sunday, January 22, 2023

Limits on President's ability to reduce federal spending of amounts appropriated by Congress

An "impoundment" is any action or inaction by an officer or employee of the federal government that precludes obligation or expenditure of budget authority. The President has no unilateral authority to impound funds. The Impoundment Control Act of 1974 (ICA) allows the President to impound funds when he transmits a "special message" in accordance with the ICA. Upon sending the message, amounts proposed for rescission (that is, for permanent cancellation) may be impounded for a period of 45 days of continuous congressional session. At issue here is whether the ICA allows such an impoundment for fixed-period appropriations expiring during this 45-day period to continue through the date on which the funds would expire. We conclude that the ICA does not permit the impoundment of funds through their date of expiration. The plain language of the ICA permits only the temporary withholding of budget authority and provides that unless Congress rescinds the amounts at issue, they must be made available for obligation. Amounts proposed for rescission must be made available for prudent obligation before the amounts expire, even where the 45-day period provided in the ICA approaches or spans the date on which funds would expire.


Impoundment Control Act--Withholding of Funds through Their Date of Expiration | U.S. GAO


https://www.gao.gov/products/b-330330


A traditional budgeting procedure by which the President of the United States once could prevent any agency of the Executive Branch from spending part or all of the money previously appropriated by Congress for their use. He would accomplish this, in essence, by an executive order that would forbid the Treasury to transfer the money in question to the agency's account. (The Constitution provides that no money from the Treasury can be spent without a specific Congressional appropriation, but it is silent on the question of whether all money appropriated by Congress actually has to be spent.) All American presidents since John Adams asserted the right to impound appropriated funds, and presidents often used this as a way of making relatively small cuts in Federal spending on programs that they deemed unwise or unnecessary, despite occasional murmurings of dissatisfaction from Congressmen annoyed by the cancellation or trimming of some of their pet pork-barrel projects. In 1973-1974, however, President Nixon made unusually large-scale use of impoundment in his efforts to fight the unusually serious inflationary pressures of the time by trimming back the budget deficit. President Nixon impounded nearly $12 billion of Congressional appropriations, which represented something over 4% of the spending Congress had appropriated for the coming fiscal year. Congressional leaders, who were already up in arms against the Nixon White House because of the Watergate scandal, rebelled against the implicit presidential rebuke of their judgment and authority over spending decisions posed by such large-scale impoundment. In 1974, Congress passed legislation purporting to make the old practice of presidential impoundment illegal and legally requiring the Executive Branch to spend every last penny that would ever be appropriated for it by Congress in the future. The administration denied that Congress had the constitutional authority to over-ride the President's control over the executive branch agencies in this manner, but a Federal Court eventually upheld the Congress's position on this matter, and the new Ford Administration chose to acquiesce in this lower court ruling rather than to further antagonize the already hostile Congress with an appeal to the Supreme Court.


Impoundment: A Glossary of Political Economy Terms - Dr. Paul M. Johnson (auburn.edu)



http://webhome.auburn.edu/~johnspm/gloss/impoundment.phtml



2 USC Ch. 17B: IMPOUNDMENT CONTROL (house.gov)

https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?path=/prelim@title2/chapter17B&edition=prelim

§683. Rescission of budget authority

(a) Transmittal of special message

Whenever the President determines that all or part of any budget authority will not be required to carry out the full objectives or scope of programs for which it is provided or that such budget authority should be rescinded for fiscal policy or other reasons (including the termination of authorized projects or activities for which budget authority has been provided), or whenever all or part of budget authority provided for only one fiscal year is to be reserved from obligation for such fiscal year, the President shall transmit to both Houses of Congress a special message specifying—

(1) the amount of budget authority which he proposes to be rescinded or which is to be so reserved;

(2) any account, department, or establishment of the Government to which such budget authority is available for obligation, and the specific project or governmental functions involved;

(3) the reasons why the budget authority should be rescinded or is to be so reserved;

(4) to the maximum extent practicable, the estimated fiscal, economic, and budgetary effect of the proposed rescission or of the reservation; and

(5) all facts, circumstances, and considerations relating to or bearing upon the proposed rescission or the reservation and the decision to effect the proposed rescission or the reservation, and to the maximum extent practicable, the estimated effect of the proposed rescission or the reservation upon the objects, purposes, and programs for which the budget authority is provided.

(b) Requirement to make available for obligation

Any amount of budget authority proposed to be rescinded or that is to be reserved as set forth in such special message shall be made available for obligation unless, within the prescribed 45-day period, the Congress has completed action on a rescission bill rescinding all or part of the amount proposed to be rescinded or that is to be reserved. Funds made available for obligation under this procedure may not be proposed for rescission again.





 

Saturday, October 15, 2022

"Non-participating" medical providers

 As I understand it, "non-participating" Medicare providers accept Medicare patients, but may charge them up to 15% more than the Medicare's "Fee schedule" amount.  I think, but am not sure,  that those with a medigap insurance policy  that normally pays the 20% not covered  by Medicare will also take care of the extra 15%.  This chart has an error---the $76 and $19 figures should be in the other order.   Patients may need to pay this full charge (which is much less than what the provider would bill non-Medicare patients) and then get reimbursed by Medicare.  



Tuesday, June 21, 2022

Brief tutorial on understanding the periodic table of human associations

 

Understanding the periodic table of human associations



There are only two points you need to remember in order to understand this periodic table:

1. Associations are defined as the relationships created when one party's satisfaction is increased or decreased by another party's action.

2. The labels beneath the diagram refer to the actions that create an association---the type of action (sanction or inducement), and its circumstances (taken unilaterally or by mutual consent of the parties).

The differences between private, compound, and public associations are indicted by the labels to the right of the diagram.

All associations can be classified into one of the nine categories in the periodic table, but there can also be major differences between the associations in any one of these categories. We can call these differences associational isotopes.

Although both laws and pseudolaws are enforced by governmental sanctions, laws constitute public-involuntary associations because they apply to the entire public (everybody) while pseudolaws create compound-involuntary associations because they apply only to arbitrarily selected people. Bylaws, on the other hand, are enforced by withdrawn or denied governmental inducements, not by sanctions.

For further details see chapter 2 in my e-book, Basic Political Concepts. Basic Political Concepts (opentextbooks.org.hk) It is only 11 pages long.

If you are trying to understand this system and have questions, I will be delighted to try to help if you email me. If you have a class or other group studying the system I will be happy to arrange Zoom meetings in which questions can be raised and answered.

Paul F. deLespinasse Corvallis, Oregon pdeles@proaxis.com

Sunday, June 19, 2022

CONCEPTS OF HUMAN ASSOCIATION DEPICTED BY THE PERIODIC TABLE

 Associations as we will be defining them here arise when the satisfaction of one person is changed by the action of another person. Since not all actions produce changes in other people's satisfaction, actions do not always produce associations, but associations are one possible result of actions. We will be particularly interested in organizations, which we will see are one particular type of association, since governments--the central focal point of political science--are organizations. 

Let us approach the concepts of human association cautiously and systematically:

1. Satisfaction, Social Power, and Association

A. Satisfaction

Satisfaction can be defined as the ratio between an individual's perceived attainments and desires:

                              Perceived Attainments
            Satisfaction = ------------------------
                                Desires

                            Ap
                    S  = ---------
                            D

An individual's satisfaction can change as the result of several things:

  • 1. events in the natural environment;
  • 2. that individual's own actions;
  • 3. actions by other people.

Storms, earthquakes, erupting volcanoes, etc., can affect a person's attainments. By changing the person's attainments, they thereby increase or decrease satisfaction.

A person who is cold can put on a sweater or dial up the furnace, thereby increasing his own attainments which in turn (everything else being equal) increases his own satisfaction. Or the individual, holding his attainments constant, can change his satisfaction by changing what is desired. Increased desires, as the formula shows, decrease satisfaction, whereas decreases on desires increase satisfaction.

Finally, one person's attainments--and thereby satisfaction--can be changed by the actions of other people. It is this fact which renders possible human associations and organizations, including governments.

B. Social Power and Social Causation

Since the actions of others can affect our satisfaction, one thing that we desire may be to get these other people to act in certain ways. Social power is our ability to get another person to act as we desire.

Three kinds of social power can be distinguished. Metaphorically, we can call them the power of the pen, the power of the sword, and the power of the purse.

The power of the pen grows out of our ability to say and to refrain from saying things. Of course "pen" is only a convenient metaphor. Under modern conditions it includes the power of the typewriter, the microphone, and the camera.

We can employ pen-power overtly to persuade others to do what we want. We may try to convince them that they will like the consequences of the action we have prescribed or to convince them to change their values so that consequences already expected will be attractive.

The power of the pen can also be used covertly, although the exact boundary between overt persuasion and covert manipulation is unclear. Manipulation clearly includes cases in which the power of the pen is used negatively. For example, if we delay sending a message to someone until it will be too late for him to react in a way we disfavor, that is manipulation rather than persuasion.

The power of the pen is vitally important in politics. It is not always true that the pen is mightier than the sword, but this old saying still has some validity. The power of the sword may prevail in the short run, but decisions about using it are based on ideas which have been propagated by the pen.

The power of the sword is based on our ability to act so as to reduce the attainments of another person so that they are less than they would have been if we had taken no action at all. Diagramming the other individual's satisfaction with the aid of a "number line," point 0 marks that individual's satisfaction in the absence of any action at all on our part:

       
                            0
    lower        -----------|------------- higher
    satisfaction                           satisfaction

Our action reducing his satisfaction down to point L, which we will call a sanction, is social power in the following sense: He may be willing to take an action desired by us, an action which will increase our satisfaction, if we will refrain from the action which would lower his satisfaction down to point L.

                        L     0
    lower        -------|-----|--------------- higher
     satisfaction       <------                 satisfaction

As we will see, sanctions, the power of the sword, are the distinctively political form of social power.

The power of the purse, conversely, comes from our ability to refrain from doing something that another person would like us to do. Such actions, which we will call inducements, increase the attainments of another person so that their satisfaction is greater than it would have been in the absence of any action at all on our part:

                           0       M
    lower       -----------|-------|------- higher
     satisfaction          -------->         satisfaction

On the diagram, such an action increases the other person's satisfaction from point 0 to point M.

Social power is exerted by inducements because the other person may be willing to do what we want in order to get us to do what he wants. Inducements, the power of the purse, are the distinctively economic form of social power.

The following table summarizes the three types of social power:

metaphor          Pen               Sword             Purse

Other             typewriter        gun               dollar
terms             microphone        stick             carrot

Nature of thing
done or not done  communication     destructive       productive
                                    action            action

Name of action    pure persuasion   sanctions         inducements

Example           seduction         rape              prostitution

It should be noted that it is not meaningful to say that social power causes the actions taken by another person. Rather social power causes possibilities and impossibilities for other people, it manipulates the circumstances within which they are deciding how to act. A drawbridge operator who lowers the bridge into position makes it possible for us to cross that bridge. But lowering the bridge does not cause us to cross it, and indeed we may choose not to do so. If we do drive across the bridge, this actualizes the possibility, but the action, as distinguished from its possibility, is not caused by the bridge operator.

C. Associations

Our definition of associations is as follows: An association exists when one person's satisfaction is being changed by the actions of another person. The two persons are then said to be associated.

This definition is not as simple as it sounds. To understand exactly what it means, we need to specify what is meant by several of the words used in defining it.

We have already stipulated that satisfaction, one of the key terms, will be defined as the ratio of a person's perceived attainments to his desires, and that it can be expressed as a point on a number line:

                          Ap
                   S  = ------
                          D

                             0
     lower        -----------|-----------higher
      satisfaction                        satisfaction

The second key term in the definition of an association is "changed." There are two possible kinds of change in the other person's satisfaction: an increase, or a decrease. For purposes of our definition, these changes are measured relative to the level of satisfaction at which there would be no association at all between the people in question, point 0 on the diagram.

Note that the 0 does not mean that the person whose satisfaction is being diagrammed has no satisfaction. Satisfaction is always a positive number, and since the diagram assumes (correctly) that the individual's satisfaction could be lower, its current value must be greater than 0. Rather, the 0 means that there is no association between the individual in question and some other specified person. (To diagram the relationship of our individual to yet another person would require an additional diagram: Jones may simultaneously be associated with Smith and not associated with Baker.)

It must also be emphasized that each diagram of satisfaction represents only a very few elements, abstracted out of a very complex situation because they and they alone are relevant to the existence and nature of an association between particular persons. As noted above, there are many people with whom a given person, Jones, might be associated. Imagine that he is associated with Smith because Smith has imposed a sanction on him, with Kennedy because Kennedy has conferred an inducement on him, and is not associated at all with Baker. All three of the following diagrams are therefore simultaneously true:

1. Jones' relationship to Smith:

                       L        0
	lower sat.-------|--------|-----------higher sat.

                       <---------
                        sanction

2. Jones' relationship to Kennedy:

                       0       M
     lower sat.--------|-------|--------higher sat.

                       -------->
                       inducement

3. Jones' relationship to Baker:

                       0
     lower sat.--------|-----------higher sat.

                      0 = Jones' satisfaction if Baker
                          didn't act at all.

                      0 = (also) Jones' actual satisfaction,
                          since Baker hasn't acted, or if he
                          acted it had no effect on Jones'
                          satisfaction.

Obviously, these diagrams express only relative levels of satisfaction rather than absolute satisfaction. Absolute satisfaction after all will be a composite representing the net effects of actions by the many different persons with whom one is associated, by the person himself, and of events in the natural environment.

The third key term in our definition of an association is "actions." In its normal usage, this word can very well refer to inactions and to communications as well as to actions in a narrower sense: deliberate bodily motions whose primary significance is not their symbolic meaning. But for purposes of our definition of an association, "actions" will refer only to things done, not to words or to inactions.

2. Classifying Associations

A. Voluntary, Involuntary, and Trust Associations

The fact that there are two kinds of action which can create an association with another person suggests one basis for classifying associations into different types. The additional fact that there are always at least two parties to an association (the actor and the person whose satisfaction is changed by the actor) provides an additional basis for defining types of association. The first person's action either takes place with the consent of the person to be affected, or it is unilateral, without the affected person's consent.

Combining these two consideration we find three possible types of association (and one impossible type!):

                    sanctions           inducements
               _________________________________________
               |                   |                    |
   unilateral  |    1.Involuntary  |   2. Trusteeship   |
               |     associations  |       associations |
               |                   |                    |
               |___________________|____________________|
               |                   |                    |
   mutual      |   (Impossible!)   |   3. Voluntary     |
    consent    |                   |       associations |
               |___________________|____________________|               
	

An involuntary association is created by the unilateral imposition or the threat of sanctions. They may be extremely gross or high subtle. A grossly involuntary association exists, for example, when the victim hands over his wallet in response to the robber's threats. This association involves a sanction that will be imposed unless the victim cooperates, and if the victim could have nothing at all to do with the robber he would gladly do so. But there is no such choice, for their relationship has been unilaterally established by the robber.

Air pollution exemplifies a more subtle involuntary association. Here, the sanction is imposed but not threatened, and the polluting companies, for example, have no desire to manipulate the actions of others. They merely want to achieve cheaply what otherwise would be more costly. They dump waste products from their enterprise into the atmosphere. The pollution is a sanction because it reduces attainments of the people who breath the air--their long-term health and longevity and the general attractiveness of environment. If the magnitude of the sanction is great enough to be perceived, then an association is created between the company and the people breathing the air and that association is involuntary.

A second type of association, which we will call trusts, is created by unilaterally conferring inducements. The most familiar example is the association between parents and children in the nuclear family. Children, especially when very young, are in no position to give or to withhold consent to associate with their parents. The association is created unilaterally by the parents, but their actions-- creating, housing, feeding, clothing the child--are inducements from the child's point of view.

Voluntary associations, a third type, are created by the exchange or transfer of inducements or expected inducements by mutual consent. Traditional difficulties fitting the family into general social analysis may derive from its two-dimensionality. Although it is a trust association between the parents (jointly) and their children, it is a voluntary association between husband and wife. Voluntary associations can be far larger than a family. Four of the predominant institutions in modern America--corporations, labor unions, political parties, and churches--are basically voluntary associations.

The fourth combination of types--sanctions by mutual consent--can exist only when sanctions are falsely expected to be inducements by the party who consents to them. (Since sanctions reduce another person's net satisfaction below what it would be if the actor did nothing at all. Naturally, no one who sees it for what it is would consent to such an action.) Instead of recognizing a fourth type of association--"mistakes"--we will regard these as a special type of voluntary associations. Hence, the definition of voluntary associations is in terms of inducements or expected inducements.

B. Private, Public, and Compound Associations

Any set of objects can be classified in more than one way. For example the people in a room can be classified into groups in terms of the following characteristics: those who wear glasses and those who do no; male and female; political orientation: Democrat, Republican, Independent, Libertarian, Socialist, and so forth; income per year; height. Clearly, classifying associations as involuntary, trusts, or voluntary does not begin to exhaust the possibilities; nor need we assume that only one approach to classifying associations is important or useful. We will now examine a second way in which associations can be sorted into categories.

A private association is one which is not a government and is made up of parties none of which is itself a government. We refer here to "parties" rather than to persons because once a simple association of two or more individuals exists this association itself may enter into still other associations. "Parties" is simply a convenient way of recognizing that the constituent elements making up an association can be either individuals or associations.

Governments, clearly, are not private as defined here, and this is obviously as it must be given the usual connotation of the word "private." Nor are associations between another one government and another private. The association between husband and wife is private, since (1) neither of them is a government, and (2) their marriage does not constitute a government.

Public associations are defined by any one or more of the following characteristics:

  • 1. One of the parties is an organization that imposes sanctions on people who have violated general rules of action laid down in advance;
  • 2. It is an association between a government and the public. (The relevant public consists of all individuals subject to the jurisdiction of this government;
  • 3. All of the parties to the association are themselves governments.

The U.S. government is public by virtue of characteristic number 1: Some of its laws are general rules of action in the sense that they apply to anyone who takes the prohibited action. And the available punishments--deprivations of "life, liberty, or property"--are clearly sanctions as we have defined them above. The United Nations, on the other hand, qualifies as public under characteristic number 3, even though it is not itself a government. Its Charter is a multilateral treaty or contract between a number of governments.

A compound association is any to which at least one party is a government and at least one party is not a government (and is also not the public as defined above). Thus the U.S. government may hire an individual to work for the Department of Justice or it may buy jet fighters from a private corporation. The resulting association is not private, since one of the parties to it is a government, and it is not public, because the other parties are not governments. It is, instead, compound.

C. A Periodic Table of Associations

More than one way of classifying associations can be used at the same time, extending our analysis into a second dimension. Outside the context of politics, two-dimensional classifications are in fact quite common. For example, locations on the earth's surface are described in terms of two numbers, one representing classification by latitude and one indicating classification by longitude. The roomful of people mentioned above can also be grouped on the basis of more than one consideration. For example, its individuals can be classified both in terms of gender and in terms of whether they are wearing glasses. Four categories of people are thus created. It is always possible, of course, that no members of a possible subgroup may be found in a particular population we are classifying. For example, only bespectacled males may be present, so that in mathematical terms the category "males not wearing glasses" would be the "empty set."

Dmitri Mendelyeev's periodic table of the chemical elements is probably the most famous example of a two-dimensional classification in the history of science. It established the frame of reference within which chemical research has produced a dramatic increase in understanding and practical accomplishments during the last century. It even suggested the existence of new elements that were, in fact, later discovered or synthesized. It can and has been argued that the science of chemistry did not even exist before the periodic table.

A "periodic table" of human associations can be constructed by combining the two one-dimensional classifications which we examined above:

  • 1. Horizontal dimension: involuntary, trusts, voluntary;
  • 2. Vertical dimension: private, compound, public.

                  Involuntary       Trusts          Voluntary
              _________________________________________________
              |               |             |                 |
              |               |             |                 |
     Private  | 1.robber-vict.| 2.parents-  |  3.husband-wife |
              |               |    children |                 |
              |_______________|_____________|_________________|
              |               |             |                 |
     Compound |               |             |                 |
              | 4.Govt-as-    | 5.Govt-as   |  6.Govt-as-     |
              |     bandit    |    trustee I|     contractor I|
              |_______________|_____________|_________________|
     Public   |               |             |                 |
              |               |             |                 |
              | 7.Govt-as-    | 8.Govt-as   |  9.Govt-as-     |
              |    legislator |   trustee II|    contractor II|
              |_______________|_____________|_________________|
    
    

    The resulting diagram contains room for nine basic types of association, eight of which--for better or for worse--already exist:

    • 1. Private-Involuntary. Your relationship with the robber who sticks you up as you walk through a park is a private-involuntary association. It is private because neither you nor the robber is a government. It is involuntary because the robber unilaterally creates the association by threatening you with a sanction if you do not hand over your money.

    • 2. Private-Trust. The example given earlier of a trust, the parent-child association, is also private, since neither the parents nor the children--the parties to the association---are governments. Remember that a trust is an association where one party unilaterally confers inducements on another party.

    • 3. Private-Voluntary. The examples, as noted earlier, of voluntary associations are legion: marriages, corporations, unions, parties, churches. As it happens, these examples are all private too, since they are not governments and none of the parties that make them up are governments.

    • 4. Compound-Involuntary. When a government threatens particular people with sanctions, a compound-involuntary association is created. It is involuntary because sanctions are involved, and it is compound because one party is a government and the other party is neither a government nor the public. (The public includes everybody, but here only particular people are subject to the sanctions, not everybody.) Examples of such associations are, unfortunately, not difficult to find: the German regime's extermination of Jews during World War II is only a particularly egregious case. We will discuss this type of association more fully, below, when we examine pseudolaws. The aspect of government which is involved in this type of association can be called government-as-bandit.

    • 5. Compound-Trust. Here government unilaterally confers inducements on particular people. Since these particular people are not themselves governments and, being less than everybody, are not the public, the association is compound rather than public. Government-as-trustee I, as we will call this aspect of government, acts as residual trustee for children whose parents have abused their responsibilities as trustees or who are seeking a divorce. Government-as-trustee I also presides over Indian reservations. (Unfortunately, there is no residual trustee in case government abuses its responsibilities.)

    • 6. Compound-Voluntary. Government-as-contractor I enters voluntary associations with non-governmental parties, which may be individuals or associations. The relationship between government-as-contractor I and an individual employee of the Department of the Interior is a compound-voluntary association. It is compound because one party is a government and one is not; it is voluntary because it is established by mutual consent of the parties to the exchange of inducements. The inducement conferred by the worker on the government is the services he performs, say, as an accountant. The inducement conferred by the government on the worker is his salary and other benefits. When government-as-contractor I buys jet bombers from a private corporation, the other party to the resulting association is itself an association.

    • 7. Public-Involuntary. A public-involuntary association is exactly like a compound-involuntary one except that here government threatens everybody with sanctions, not just particular people. This difference, however, is crucially important. When government threatens sanctions against anyone who deliberately kills another or against all who fail to pay 24% of their income to the Internal Revenue Service, it is not selecting particular people or groups of people to threaten. Since everyone is in the same boat and subject to the same rule, no one has an interest in imposing rules that are intolerable such as, say, a 97% tax. This power to threaten the entire public with sanctions is the essence of government, and we will call this aspect of government government-as-legislator.

    • 8. Public-Trust.   Government-as-trustee II is like government-as-trustee I except that it acts as trustee--i.e. unilaterally confers inducements--for the entire public, not just for selected individuals or groups of individuals.  The Alaskan oil dividend is an example.

    • 9. Public-Voluntary. Another aspect of government, government-as-contractor II, enters into voluntary associations with other governments. These associations are public because all of their parties are governments. The two governments may be coequals, or they may have a superior-inferior arrangement. Treaties are an example of voluntary associations between coequal, independent governments. Within the U.S., public-voluntary associations often exist between two or more states. These states are equal and independent of each other, but subject to the national government in Washington. The Constitution requires that such "interstate compacts" go into effect only with congressional consent. There are also many voluntary associations between the national government and those of the states.

    3. Laws, Pseudolaws, and Bylaws

    The most important distinction to emerge from the categories created by the periodic table of human associations is between three different meanings all commonly pointed to by the word law:

    • 1. A general rule of action enforceable by sanctions (government-as-legislator);

    • 2. A non-general rule enforceable by sanctions (government-as-bandit);

    • 3. A statement of the terms on which, and with whom other parties, a government is willing to enter into voluntary associations (government-as-contractor).

    Since these three meanings are so very different, using the same word to indiscriminately refer to all of them can only produce confusion. We will therefore stipulate that the word law will be used only to refer to the first meaning: a general rule of action enforceable by sanctions. For the other two meanings we will assign the following terms:

    • Pseudolaws: a non-general rule enforced by sanctions.

    • Bylaws : a statement of the terms on which and with whom a government is willing to enter into voluntary associations.

                Involuntary       Trusts          Voluntary                  
                              
              _________________________________________________
             |               |             |                 |
             |               |             |                 |
    Private  | 1.robber-vict.| 2.parents-  |  3.husband-wife |
             |               |    children |                 |
             |               |             |                 |                
             |_______________|_____________|_________________|
             |               |             |                 |
    Compound |               |             |                 |
             | 4.Govt-as-    | 5.Govt-as   |  6.Govt-as-     |
             |     bandit    |    trustee I|     contractor I|
             |               |             |                 |
             |  pseudolaws   |             |    bylaws       |                
             |_______________|_____________|_________________|
    Public   |               |             |                 |
             |               |             |                 |
             | 7.Govt-as-    | 8.Govt-as   |  9.Govt-as-     |
             |    legislator |   trustee II|    contractor II|
             |               |  Social     |                 |
             |  laws         |    dividend |   bylaws        |
             |_______________|_____________|_________________| 
    

    The two key elements in distinguishing laws, pseudolaws, and bylaws are generality and sanctions. To be a general rule of action, it must apply to everybody without any exceptions whatever. It is because the public is defined precisely as everybody who is subject to a given government that laws are an expression of government-as-legislator and constitute public-involuntary associations.

    Since generality is not an issue one way of the other with bylaws, the first question to be considered, when translating the word laws as it is used by the general public into our more precise terms, is whether there is a sanction involved at all in the rule. If there is not, then the rule is a bylaw, which is "enforced" by withdrawn or denied inducements rather than by sanctions. If there is a sanction, however, we must still ascertain whether the rule is a law or a pseudolaw, and this is where we must consider generality.

    The following are examples of rules which are not general, and which therefore are pseudolaws rather than laws:

    • Any black person who does not ride in the back of the bus shall be fined $100.

    • Any Jew who does not wear a yellow star shall be punished as follows ....

    • No woman can receive a license to work as a bartender unless the bar is owned by her husband or father.

    • Anybody under 21 years of age who consumes alcoholic beverages shall be fined $200/

    • Any male who does not register for the draft upon reaching age 18 shall be fined and/or imprisoned.

    • Rich people shall pay a 70% income tax, other people shall pay 24%.

    Generality requires that the rule apply to the equivalent of "anybody who," and all of the above examples discriminate on the basis of race, sex, age, or wealth. People are treated not merely on the basis of how they act, but also on the basis of who they are.

    Pseudolaws are enacted by government-as-bandit, a term suggested by St. Augustine's famous observation: "Justice being taken away, then, what are kingdoms but great robberies?" Footnote 1. The only difference between a compound-involuntary association and a private-involuntary one is that government is a party to the former. In both, individuals are arbitrarily singled out and sanctions imposed or threatened against them. If anything, government-as-bandit is even more intolerable than private robbers, for it wields the resources of the entire community and one cannot seek government protection from it.

    The word "bylaw" reflects the fact that when Congress determines the terms on which and with whom the U.S. government is willing to enter a voluntary association, it is doing no more and no less than is done by the boards of directors of any private corporation.

    Bylaws apply both to compound-voluntary and to public-voluntary associations. Examples of bylaws applying to compound associations include portions of the Bacon-Davis Act, the Hatch Act, and the Philadelphia Plan. The Bacon-Davis Act prohibits the federal government from making contracts with private firms paying their employees less than "prevailing wages" as determined by the Secretary of Labor for each occupation and region of the country. The Hatch Act prohibits the federal government from retaining civil servants who engage in certain types of politicking, including addressing a political rally or holding office in a political party. (Any law prohibiting such actions and enforced by sanctions would clearly violate the First Amendment; the Supreme Court, however, has twice upheld the Hatch Act, which is enforced by withdrawn inducements.) Under the Philadelphia Plan the federal government contracts only with private construction firms that agree to hire at least a certain percentage of minority employees. The Plan is an effort to overcome racial discrimination by the power building trades unions and acquiesced in by employers.

    Bylaws applying to public associations include the Hickenlooper Amendment and the federal enactment producing the 65 (originally 55) miles per hour national speed limit. The Hickenlooper Amendment cuts off foreign aid to any country that nationalizes property owned by U.S. citizens without paying them fair compensation. It tries, via the power of the U.S. government purse, to extend the protection against uncompensated seizures provided domestically by the Eminent Domain Clause of the Constitution. When President Nixon proposed a national speed limit during the 1973 Arab oil embargo, Congress lacked constitutional authority to enact a law requiring people to drive more slowly. The state governments had the power to enact such laws but where not disposed to do so. Acting on Nixon's proposal, Congress merely enacted a bylaw cutting off all federal highway funds to any state whose legislature did not enact a law making the speed limit 55 or less. If any state had refused to comply, its action would not have been illegal. It would merely have been a violation of a federal bylaw. But the states, sometimes with great reluctance, knuckled under unanimously--few local politicians were willing to climb off the federal gravy train.

    ________________________

Saturday, June 18, 2022

How to understand my periodic table of human associations

 

As this short article indicates, my periodic table makes it much easier to think systematically about politics and political issues. Political Analysis Clearer With My Periodic Table of Human Associations | Newsmax.com

But if you are unable or unwilling to spend a small amount of time to understand the system of concepts summarized in my periodic table of human associations, you should forget about it.

The periodic table shows how these concepts are related to each other, but by itself is not enough to give an understanding of the system within which they exist.

This system is admittedly complicated, but its complexity is the result of a series of simple interactions of simple elements, and it is therefor understandable by anyone willing to make a little effort.

The simple elements are definitions of a few key words, which for the purposes of this system of concepts are defined more precisely than these words are when used in ordinary discourse. One must memorize these definitions and apply them come hell or high water.

The 15 key words are:

associations

actions

satisfaction

sanctions

inducements

laws

pseudolaws

bylaws

involuntary

trusteeships

voluntary

public

private

compound

non-association point

For a very concise introduction to this system of concepts see chapter 2 in my e-book, Basic Political Concepts. Basic Political Concepts (opentextbooks.org.hk) The whole book is only 39 pages long.

If you are trying to understand this system and have questions, I will be delighted to try to help if you email me. If you have a class or other group studying the system I will be happy to arrange Zoom meetings in which questions can be raised and answered.

Paul F. deLespinasse

Corvallis, Oregon

pdeles@proaxis.com